Saturday, November 22, 2014
Teddy Roosevelt: The Constitution does not give Right of Suffrage to any Corporation
" I stand for the square deal.
But when I say that I am for the square deal, I mean not merely that I
stand for fair play under the present rules of the game, but that I
stand for having those rules changed so as to work for a more
substantial equality of opportunity and of reward for equally good
service... When I say I want a square deal for the poor man, I do not
mean that I want a square deal for the man who remains poor because he
has not got the energy to work for himself. If a man who has had a
chance will not make good, then he has got to quit... Now, this means
that our government, National and State, must be freed from the sinister
influence or control of special interests. Exactly as the special
interests of cotton and slavery threatened our political integrity
before the Civil War, so now the great special business interests too
often control and corrupt the men and methods of government for their
own profit. We must drive the special interests out of politics... For
every special interest is entitled to justice, but not one is entitled
to a vote in Congress, to a voice on the bench, or to representation in
any public office. The Constitution guarantees protection to property,
and we must make that promise good. But it does not give the right of
suffrage to any corporation. The true friend of property, the true
conservative, is he who insists that property shall be the servant and
not the master of the commonwealth; who insists that the creature of
man's making shall be the servant and not the master of the man who made
it. The citizens of the United States must effectively control the
mighty commercial forces which they have themselves called into being." --Theodore Roosevelt
Thursday, November 20, 2014
The Limits of Nationalism
Nationalism is merely a blind creed, like any other, and worship of the nation-state is a degrading form of idolatry like any other. All value comes from above. Our first political principle must be patriotism, but we must acknowledge the claim of something higher, even if it can never be ultimately embodied by our own collective efforts. Patriotism, yes, but chauvinism, no. A nation worthy of respect must always be under something greater than itself.
Scientific Progress and Rationality
Given the tragic and structural nature of the nation-state, it is clear what the ultimate purpose of science and technology and modern forms of bureaucratic rationality consists in: a means of mass producing increasing numbers of weapons of mass destruction. It is clear that our scientific age will not likely end until there is a large-scale nuclear exchange destroying the infrastructure of modern science, engineering, and economy.
Once humanity figured out that the scientific method could be harnessed for the production of better weaponry, which would give one nation a military advantage over another, the age of science dawned on the world. Likewise, once human beings figured out techniques of mass production, by reducing workers from craftsmen and designers to widgets on an assembly line, without freedom or creativity, human beings became enslaved in a dehumanizing system of production. These revolutions cannot be undone, because science and bureaucracy are the root causes of the modern arms race, and the modern economy is necessary to support the arms race, and no nation can defect without jeopardizing its sovereign power. Obviously, the long-term ecological consequences of the environmental degradations of modern economy fueled by STEM research will not be addressed, because no nation will defect and endanger its national security.
We have built an iron cage, and we have locked ourselves within it, and there we shall remain until we succeed at destroying ourselves. Secular rationalists, look to the morning star and give thanks for our enlightened progress over the forms of the past. Speak with contempt for those sustainable, pre-modern forms of life that were rooted in communities devoted to a real ethical ideal and grounded on a real spiritual principle.
As Wittgenstein noted:
The hysterical fear over the atom bomb now being experienced, or at any rate expressed, by the public almost suggests that at last something really salutary has been invented. The fright at least gives the impression of a really effective bitter medicine. I can't help thinking: if this didn't have something good about it the philistines wouldn't be making an outcry. But perhaps this too is a childish idea. Because really all I can mean is that the bomb offers a prospect of the end, the destruction, of an evil,--our disgusting soapy water science. And certainly that's not an unpleasant thought; but who can say what would come after this destruction? The people now making speeches against producing the bomb are undoubtedly the scum of intellectuals, but even that does not prove beyond question that what they abominate is to be welcomed.
Once humanity figured out that the scientific method could be harnessed for the production of better weaponry, which would give one nation a military advantage over another, the age of science dawned on the world. Likewise, once human beings figured out techniques of mass production, by reducing workers from craftsmen and designers to widgets on an assembly line, without freedom or creativity, human beings became enslaved in a dehumanizing system of production. These revolutions cannot be undone, because science and bureaucracy are the root causes of the modern arms race, and the modern economy is necessary to support the arms race, and no nation can defect without jeopardizing its sovereign power. Obviously, the long-term ecological consequences of the environmental degradations of modern economy fueled by STEM research will not be addressed, because no nation will defect and endanger its national security.
We have built an iron cage, and we have locked ourselves within it, and there we shall remain until we succeed at destroying ourselves. Secular rationalists, look to the morning star and give thanks for our enlightened progress over the forms of the past. Speak with contempt for those sustainable, pre-modern forms of life that were rooted in communities devoted to a real ethical ideal and grounded on a real spiritual principle.
As Wittgenstein noted:
The hysterical fear over the atom bomb now being experienced, or at any rate expressed, by the public almost suggests that at last something really salutary has been invented. The fright at least gives the impression of a really effective bitter medicine. I can't help thinking: if this didn't have something good about it the philistines wouldn't be making an outcry. But perhaps this too is a childish idea. Because really all I can mean is that the bomb offers a prospect of the end, the destruction, of an evil,--our disgusting soapy water science. And certainly that's not an unpleasant thought; but who can say what would come after this destruction? The people now making speeches against producing the bomb are undoubtedly the scum of intellectuals, but even that does not prove beyond question that what they abominate is to be welcomed.
The Transnational Order
The root cause of national politics is structural, and the end result of politics is war and murder. But at the same time, there is a possible way above politics. The fundamental structural problems that give rise to sovereignty are doubt, and the desire to protect a way of life, and to expand a way of life through control of territory.
We can imagine a form of life that is in its essence anti-political, anti-national, and anti-war, as follows:
1.) A voluntary community predicated on absolute obedience, where there is no individual doubt, and no self-will, and in which members focused their collective efforts on rooting out the causes of individual disobedience: the confession of sin, penance and mortification.
2.) A voluntary community predicated on the renunciation of property and territory, where there is no ownership, and all live in poverty.
3.) A voluntary community which avoids the partiality of family, where there are no children, no families, only a collective life based on a love of all.
4.) A voluntary community based on collective slavery, where members voluntarily sacrifice their own sovereignty, and are prepared to die rather than use force.
In such a community, to the extent that it embodies its ideals, there is nothing to protect and nothing to fear provided all members uphold vows of poverty, chastity and obedience. However, any community which rejects these restrictions binds itself to the order of recurrent human sacrifice demanded by history and the law itself. Further, any community that rejected renunciation but upheld a set of "international and humanitarian" ideals would find itself an ugly admixture of superficiality, greed, hypocrisy and brutality.
To quote Wittgenstein:
In former times people went into monasteries. Were they stupid or insensitive people?--Well if people like that found that they needed to take such measures in order to be able to go on living, the problem cannot be an easy one!
We can imagine a form of life that is in its essence anti-political, anti-national, and anti-war, as follows:
1.) A voluntary community predicated on absolute obedience, where there is no individual doubt, and no self-will, and in which members focused their collective efforts on rooting out the causes of individual disobedience: the confession of sin, penance and mortification.
2.) A voluntary community predicated on the renunciation of property and territory, where there is no ownership, and all live in poverty.
3.) A voluntary community which avoids the partiality of family, where there are no children, no families, only a collective life based on a love of all.
4.) A voluntary community based on collective slavery, where members voluntarily sacrifice their own sovereignty, and are prepared to die rather than use force.
In such a community, to the extent that it embodies its ideals, there is nothing to protect and nothing to fear provided all members uphold vows of poverty, chastity and obedience. However, any community which rejects these restrictions binds itself to the order of recurrent human sacrifice demanded by history and the law itself. Further, any community that rejected renunciation but upheld a set of "international and humanitarian" ideals would find itself an ugly admixture of superficiality, greed, hypocrisy and brutality.
To quote Wittgenstein:
In former times people went into monasteries. Were they stupid or insensitive people?--Well if people like that found that they needed to take such measures in order to be able to go on living, the problem cannot be an easy one!
Wednesday, November 19, 2014
The Rise of Totalitarian States in Europe in the Early Twentieth Century
As I have discussed previously,
the First World War was predicated on the rise of German power, both in terms
of industrial capacity and wealth (constituting 40% of Europe as a whole in
1913) as well as population. Germany,
due to its strategic position of strength, made a bid for regional hegemony in
Europe, culminating in the First World War.
I believe the strategic threat posed by Germany was critical to the Fall
of the Tzar and the rise of Communism in Russia.
Industrially, Tzarist Russia was economically
backward relative to its European rivals.
It could not project force in sufficient numbers to defeat Germany, and
made strategic mistakes in pursuing its offensive strategy. Despite the fact that two-thirds of the
German Army was concentrated on the Western Front, Tzarist Russia was not able
to field a sufficient army to defeat the Germans, and this likely lead to the collapse
in support for the Russian Government in the Army and in the masses.
There is a standard American
explanation of the rise of Communism in Russia, and the subsequent rise of National
Socialism, which is the psychological seduction theory. Specifically, Communist ideology and Nazi
ideology beguiled the general populace with the false promise of
totalitarianism, and people irrationally gave into small-minded hatred and intolerance.
I would like to suggest an
alternative viewpoint, starting specifically with why Communism found favor
with the Russian Army and the Russian people.
The Russians understood that Russia was economically backwards, and the
traditional system, involving the Tzar and the nobility, was incapable of
reforming itself and incapable of projecting a modern army capable of
protecting Russia from the threat of Germany.
Although Germany lost the First
World War, it probably only lost it because of the late entry of America
(preventing German hegemony in Europe).
The Treaty of Versailles, perhaps correctly, undermined the German
economy and restricted the German capacity to rearm itself, but it is clear
that the Russian people sensed the existential threat posed by Germany, and the
elite undoubtedly understood that Germany would be back.
Although the Communists faced
civil war, and spent enormous time and energy in unifying Russia, once
Communist control was consolidated, Stalin began a ruthless campaign of
industrialization and militarization. Starting from Russia possessing 11% of European
GNP in 1913, the Russian economy under Communist leadership grew to 28% of
European GNP by 1940. Between 1933 to
1938, the size of the Red Army tripled.
The following table, based on Mearsheimer’s The Tragedy of Great Power Politics
illustrates the massive increase in military capacity under Stalin:
Date Artillery Tanks Men** % of European GNP (vs. Germany)
1930 952
170 .535 14% 33%
1933 4,368
3,509
1936 4,324
4,800 1.30
1940 15,300 2,794* 3.60 28% 36%
*Soviet conversion to Heavy Tanks
** Millions (by 1941, Soviets had 5.0 million in Army
with 2.9 million fighting)
What Communism offered Russia,
which neither liberal democracy nor traditional monarchy could offer, was a
system of centralized, consolidated power which allowed for the rapid creation
of a massive war machine. Unlike France
and the Western front, which collapsed in a matter of months under the Blitzkrieg,
Russia proved itself capable of holding its ground alone against the massive
onslaught of the entire German Army at the peak of Nazi power. If Russia had not adopted Communism, it is
unlikely that under a rival system it would have been capable of
industrializing and militarizing in the short space of time it had, and it is
entirely possible that Nazi Germany would have won its goal of European
hegemony. The same cannot be said for the French Third Republic.
We can also understand the
sentiments of the post-WWI German elite, who knew in their hearts of hearts
that the goal of European hegemony has slipped through their fingers at the
last moment due to the intervention of America.
The Treaty of Versailles represented a speed bump on the road to
hegemony, and it was inevitable, given Germany’s population and level of
relative industrialization, that it would make a second attempt. The main rift in the Weimer Republic, between
the Nazi’s and the German Socialist Worker’s Party, was really a question of
whether to embrace the model being set by the Soviet Union, or to pursue a more
limited model of state control, corporatism.
However, in both the Soviet Union and Nazi Germany, socialism/state
capitalism was linked to the creation of a war machine capable of achieving, or
resisting, German hegemony.
Although I am not attempting to
suggest that totalitarianism is the answer to contemporary American problems, I
am suggesting that in times of war, or in a country facing probable total war,
the need for centralizing state decision-making into a unitary executive officer
is necessary for national survival. In
addition, I am suggesting that state control and state management of private industry
is fruitful for the rapid industrialization (and militarization) of an
economy. These methods of state
ownership were not necessary in England and America during the Second World
War, precisely because both England and America were heavily industrialized at
the time of the conflict, and therefore, the transition to a modern war economy
required less relative effort.
Rather than viewing the adoption
of Communism by Russia, or National Socialism by Germany as “irrational”, these
ideologies served as the intellectual templates for “getting the job done.” It is noteworthy that high ranking German
military officials such as Colonel von Tresckow began plotting assassination
attempts against Hitler in 1942, when it was clear that Stalin had held off the
Germans, that the Americans were joining the war, and that the bid for German
hegemony had failed.
I have discussed the existential
threat posed to Russia by Germany, and perhaps, one can understand why a
perfectly rational Russian officer might throw in their lot with Lenin, despite
deep reservations, in an effort to preserve the national sovereignty of Russia,
but one might ask, why did the German elite desire to stage a repeat of World
War I? (Ignoring the fact that they
would have likely won the war without the last minute entry of America.)
To answer this, we have to
understand the ambivalence of all acts of aggression: an act undertaken as a defensive move is
always interpreted as an offensive move by one’s enemy. Germany, defeated and humiliated, had its
economy destroyed by its foreign enemies, and its hands tied behind its back
while it watched Stalin transform the Soviet Union into the hegemonic war
machine it became--in the post-war era--controlling the entire Eastern Block, and
checked only by American boots on the ground and an American nuclear arsenal. If Germany had waited, or pursued a less
effective means of mobilization, then Germany would have been forced to defend against a
Soviet bid for hegemony.
Monday, November 17, 2014
God's Justice
God's punishment is collective, God's mercy is individual.
Humanity's punishment is individual, Humanity's mercy is collective.
God destroys the entire city, but he spares Lot and his family. Humanity must punish sin in individuals, before it can metastasize into collective corruption and weakness.
The purest manifestation of God's judgment is in war, where God vanquishes the wicked, and delivers them to their enemies. If we take E.O. Wilson's comments seriously, then we can see that God brings salvation to an altruistic people, but tears down the selfish nation.
Humanity's punishment is individual, Humanity's mercy is collective.
God destroys the entire city, but he spares Lot and his family. Humanity must punish sin in individuals, before it can metastasize into collective corruption and weakness.
The purest manifestation of God's judgment is in war, where God vanquishes the wicked, and delivers them to their enemies. If we take E.O. Wilson's comments seriously, then we can see that God brings salvation to an altruistic people, but tears down the selfish nation.
Love
It is clear (at least to me) that ethnie emerged specifically as a means to solve the fundamental human problem of trust, without which politics is impossible. From an individualistic perspective, politics is fundamentally irrational, because it is fundamentally irrational to trust another person. It is also fundamentally irrational from an individualistic perspective to sacrifice your welfare or your life for someone else, especially if they are not directly related to you. Politics is fundamentally about love and loyalty to persons, groups and places, and a willingness to sacrifice yourself for what you love. Conversely, politics is fundamentally about hate, especially modern politics, where the concrete and the particular have been hollowed out leaving only abstract ideology. Am I the only person who has been almost run off the road by someone with a "Coexist" bumper sticker?
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)