Beyond
Mill’s three principles of civil liberty, which remain good general principles
in a modern, pluralist democracy, but terrible universal principles, we get to
Mill’s central vision of individual choice:
The only freedom
which deserves the name is that of pursuing our own good in our own way, so
long as we do not attempt to deprive others of theirs or impede their efforts
to obtain it. Mankind are greater
gainers by suffering each other to live as seems good to themselves than by
compelling each to live as seems good to the rest.
Once again, I can get behind Mill in
general. I believe it is desirable to
have a society where people have the ability to determine and pursue their own
ends. But once again, I cannot uphold
this principle as a universal value, for two reasons that are related to one
another. Society, as it stands, is not a
social contract but a social covenant.
All morality is premised on acting in a manner that harms the individual
but helps the social order. For example,
one is expected to tell the truth, even if telling the truth causes great harm
to befall the individual. Moreover, if
lying or cheating becomes widespread, it dis-incentizes others from not lying
or not cheating, creating the old “everyone is doing it” phenomenon. Whether one considers adultery, theft,
conscription, the use of violence, the fact is that individuals will have to
forego an individual benefit in order to build a better, safer, more trusting
society. If individuals perceive their
fellow citizens as immoral, citizens will behave immorally themselves. If everyone gets to define their morality for
themselves, and pursue their own version of morality, then individuals seeking
to justify their lying, cheating, stealing, adultery, or the use of violence
(for themselves) will define their actions as morally justified. After all, morality imposes individual costs
while promoting collective benefits. If
individuals get to draw the line, strategic individuals will draw the line in a
way that entitles them to behave in a way which confers on them the benefits of
morality and will impose the cost on their neighbors. Likewise, their neighbors will similarly define
their moral code in a way that benefits them at the expense of the others. Soldiers want brothels, the wealthy want weak
penalties for tax evasion, the poor want weak penalties for shoplifting,
students want weak penalties for academic dishonesty. Moreover, these people pursuing these radically
different visions of morality will each perceive their neighbors as
immoral. And when people view other
members of society as immoral, they then feel justified in behaving immorally
toward their neighbors. Mill’s viewpoint,
if widely accepted, literally sets up a vicious circle, undermining social
cohesion and morality broadly. The
problem with Mill’s vision of each individual defining morality for themselves
is that it empowers free riders and promotes a general sense of moral anarchy
and immorality. Does it matter that a
society embraces an ethos that will lead to widespread lying, cheating,
stealing and sexual immorality? We can
see from the following link what happens to colonies of yeast with widespread
cheating:
http://www.sciencedaily.com/releases/2013/04/130430194259.htm
http://www.sciencedaily.com/releases/2013/04/130430194259.htm
The point is that while cheating
benefits individuals at the expense of other individuals, colonies of cheaters
die off against colonies of non-cheaters.
A society in which everyone defines their own morality will be
relatively speaking, more immoral, than one in which there is an agreed upon
moral code based on existing tradition.
Moral relativism is a recipe for social disintegration and destruction.
Morality can
never be defined individually, it must be defined collectively, because it
amounts to a system of rules, essentially a tax on private behavior, that all
the individuals must follow or be punished.
Individuals behave morally because they fear being punished or subjected
to social shame, and because they view other individuals as submitting to the same system of rules. Unless a society has an existing
system of moral rules (based in relatively non-negotiable customs) and unless
it is considered justified for society to enforce those rules, the moral system
which provides collective strength breaks down. Moreover, where can the system come from,
except custom? If individuals are left
to decide, they will choose to legitimate their own immoral conduct, and to regulate
the immoral conduct of their neighbors. Thus,
although I support liberty, liberty can never exist in a healthy way unless it
is directed toward actualizing a collective system of laws and morality. A nation must define for itself a system of
moral rules, as reflected in its laws, and individuals must be punished if they
violate those rules, and more importantly, held to general social approbation for not
following those rules. Groups
maintain these rules because they are protective of the welfare of the entire
collectivity, and a decline in morals threatens the welfare of all.
There can be no
doubt that societies have differences in their views of morals, or that societies
can come to have new views on issues of morals, as the United States did with
respect to slavery during the Nineteenth Century. But at the same time, as the Biblical
Prophets pointed out, immorality endangers the survival of the Nation, and
morality cannot be a simple matter of individual preference. Morality confers significant evolutionary
survival value to a group, and morality can only be defined by the group, and
based on historical customs, in order for a system of morality to be effective.
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